Türkiye's Mediation in the Russia–Ukraine War: Istanbul Talks and the Black Sea Grain Initiative
How the Black Sea Grain Initiative worked: Türkiye's mediation, the Joint Coordination Centre, 33 million tons shipped and why the deal lapsed.
Why It Matters
The Black Sea Grain Initiative was the only wartime arrangement in the Russia–Ukraine war that let Ukrainian agricultural exports leave the Black Sea under a joint inspection regime agreed by both belligerents. It was signed in Istanbul on 22 July 2022, brokered by Türkiye and the United Nations, and operated until 17 July 2023, when Russia declined to extend it. Turkish sources cite more than 33 million tons of grain and other food exported; UN figures are close to 32.9 million tons.
The case matters beyond food markets. It shows how a NATO member that holds the keys to the Turkish Straits can act as a channel between adversaries, a theme explored in Is Türkiye a Bridge Between Blocs? NATO Membership, Eurasian Ties and Strategic Autonomy.
Background
Why Black Sea grain mattered
Before February 2022, Ukraine and Russia together accounted for a very large share of global wheat exports, and Ukraine was also a major exporter of maize and sunflower oil. When Russia's full-scale invasion began on 24 February 2022, Ukrainian ports were closed to commercial traffic and shipping insurance became unobtainable. Tens of millions of tons of grain were stranded, and food prices spiked, with import-dependent countries in the Middle East, North Africa and the Horn of Africa most exposed.
Chronology of the diplomacy
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| 24 Feb 2022 | Russia launches its full-scale invasion; Ukrainian ports cease normal operations. |
| 28 Feb 2022 | Türkiye announces it will implement Article 19 of the Montreux Convention, restricting passage of belligerent warships through the Straits. |
| 10 Mar 2022 | Foreign ministers Sergey Lavrov and Dmytro Kuleba meet with Türkiye's Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu in Antalya, on the eve of the Antalya Diplomacy Forum, the first high-level Russia–Ukraine meeting since the invasion. |
| 29 Mar 2022 | Russian and Ukrainian delegations hold direct talks at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul; no settlement follows. |
| Spring–summer 2022 | UN Secretary-General António Guterres proposes a package; Turkish and UN officials shuttle between Moscow and Kyiv. A technical meeting of military delegations from all four parties takes place in Istanbul on 13 July. |
| 22 Jul 2022 | Agreements signed in Istanbul in the presence of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Guterres. |
| 27 Jul 2022 | The Joint Coordination Centre opens in Istanbul. |
| 1 Aug 2022 | The first ship, the Razoni, leaves Odesa with maize. |
| 29 Oct–2 Nov 2022 | Russia suspends participation, then resumes after Turkish and UN contacts. |
| Nov 2022–May 2023 | The arrangement is extended three times (November 2022, March 2023, May 2023). |
| 17 Jul 2023 | The arrangement lapses after Russia declines to extend it. |
How the arrangement was structured
The deal consisted of parallel documents, not a single treaty between Russia and Ukraine:
- An initiative on the safe transport of grain and foodstuffs from Ukrainian ports, concluded by Türkiye, the UN and Ukraine on one side, and by Türkiye, the UN and Russia on the other.
- A separate memorandum of understanding between Russia and the UN Secretariat on facilitating Russian food and fertilizer exports, which Moscow treated as an inseparable part of the package.
This structure allowed Moscow and Kyiv to avoid signing with each other directly. Operationally, the deal worked as follows:
- Commercial ships were registered with the JCC, which agreed their route and schedule.
- Ukrainian pilots guided vessels out of Odesa, Chornomorsk and Pivdennyi along a maritime humanitarian corridor.
- JCC inspection teams, with representatives of all four parties, checked inbound empty ships and outbound cargoes at anchorage near Istanbul, in Turkish waters, to ensure no weapons were carried and that cargoes matched declarations.
- Russia and Ukraine committed not to attack vessels and port facilities involved in the initiative.
The World Food Programme also used the corridor for humanitarian cargoes, with the first WFP-chartered vessel sailing in August 2022 toward the Horn of Africa.
Prisoner exchanges and other channels
Türkiye's mediation was not limited to grain. It facilitated several humanitarian tracks, including prisoner exchanges and, in September 2022, an arrangement under which five Ukrainian commanders from the Azovstal garrison were transferred to Türkiye. In 2025, Istanbul again hosted direct Russia–Ukraine delegation talks (16 May, 2 June and 23 July), which produced agreements on prisoner and body exchanges, including a 1,000-for-1,000 prisoner swap announced after the first round. These talks did not produce a ceasefire.
Key Players & Positions
United Nations
Guterres and the UN trade and relief officials designed the package and ran the UN side of the JCC. The UN consistently said that the grain corridor and the Russian-exports memorandum were two halves of one deal, and that it had worked with Moscow on obstacles such as payments, insurance and port access for Russian fertilizer. When Russia exited, the UN Secretary-General said he regretted the decision and warned about the effect on vulnerable consumers.
Russia
Moscow's stated position, voiced by President Vladimir Putin, the Kremlin spokesperson and Foreign Minister Lavrov, was that the second half of the package, covering Russian agricultural and fertilizer exports, had not been delivered. Russian officials cited restrictions on banking, insurance, shipping and port access, and argued that the grain mostly went to wealthier countries rather than the poorest. Russia said it would return if its conditions were met.
Ukraine
Kyiv, including President Volodymyr Zelensky, treated the corridor as vital for its economy and for global food security. After Russia's withdrawal, Ukraine said it would seek to keep shipping and later opened its own temporary corridor along the western Black Sea coast. Ukrainian officials argued that Russia, not Ukraine, was responsible for ending the deal and for subsequent strikes on port infrastructure.
Other actors
The European Union, the United States and many importing countries supported the initiative and criticised its termination. Some Western governments and commentators also questioned whether Russia was seeking sanctions relief through the fertilizer track, while Moscow described its demands as implementation of what had been agreed.
Türkiye's Position
Türkiye's Strategic Position
Ankara presents its role as balanced engagement: it supports Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty while keeping open lines to Moscow so that diplomacy remains possible.
- Support for Ukraine's territorial integrity, with dialogue with Russia. According to the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Türkiye does not recognise the annexation of Crimea and supports Ukraine's territorial integrity, and it voted in favour of the UN General Assembly resolution of 2 March 2022 on the invasion. At the same time, Türkiye has not joined Western sanctions on Russia, arguing that it must preserve the ability to talk to both sides. Sources: Turkish MFA statements; UNGA votes.
- Montreux Convention implementation. Türkiye announced on 28 February 2022 that it would apply Article 19 of the 1936 Montreux Convention, which restricts the passage of belligerent warships through the Straits, with narrow exceptions for ships returning to home bases. Ankara describes this as an impartial, treaty-based measure that helped prevent naval escalation. See The 1936 Montreux Convention Explained: How Türkiye Governs the Turkish Straits and Black Sea Access. Sources: Montreux Convention text; Turkish MFA.
- Mediation as a standing policy. The Presidency and the Foreign Ministry have repeatedly stated that Türkiye hosted the 2022 Antalya and Istanbul meetings and the 2025 Istanbul rounds, and that it is ready to host a leaders-level meeting. Ankara argues that there is no military solution and that a just and lasting peace requires direct talks. Sources: Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye; Turkish MFA.
- Humanitarian and food-security framing. President Erdoğan has described the grain deal as a contribution to global food security, particularly for developing countries, and has urged its revival. Turkish officials cite more than 33 million tons of cargo moved. Sources: Presidency; Ministry of National Defence statements on JCC operations.
- Reform of global governance. Ankara links this episode to its argument that the UN system needs broader representation, in line with its position summarised in The World Is Bigger Than Five: Türkiye's Case for UN Security Council Reform.
Legal and historical basis
Türkiye's legal footing rests on the Montreux Convention, which gives it responsibility for the regime of the Turkish Straits, and on its sovereign jurisdiction over inspections conducted in its own waters. Its diplomatic footing comes from the combination of NATO membership, extensive trade and energy ties with Russia, and defence and political ties with Ukraine, including the supply of Bayraktar TB2 drones to Kyiv, which Ankara has described as commercial and legitimate arms transfers. Critics argue that this dual approach is ambiguous; Ankara responds that it is the precondition for mediation.
Source Comparison
The table below summarises how different sources frame the initiative. These are generalisations, and individual outlets vary.
| Issue | Common Western and Ukrainian framing | Common Russian framing | Turkish official framing |
|---|---|---|---|
| Who made the deal possible | UN diplomacy, with Türkiye as host and facilitator | Result of Russian willingness, with the UN and Türkiye as guarantors | Joint success of Türkiye and the UN, with Erdoğan's personal diplomacy emphasised |
| Volume shipped | Around 32.9 million tons (UN data) | Disputes who benefited, not the volume | More than 33 million tons |
| Why it ended | Russia chose to quit, endangering food security | The Russian-exports memorandum was not implemented | Regrets the end and calls for resumption; avoids assigning blame |
| Where the grain went | Substantial share to developing countries and WFP programmes | Mostly to wealthier states | Stresses benefit to global food security and price stabilisation |
| Wider meaning | Test of Russian reliability | Test of Western commitments | Proof that dialogue between belligerents is possible |
Readers can compare these claims against the primary documents: the texts of the initiative, the UN memorandum, JCC data, and official statements. For how Bloc Politics separates fact, position and source, see Editorial Principles: How Bloc Politics Separates Fact, Position and Source.
What to Watch
- Direct talks in Istanbul. Further Russia–Ukraine delegation rounds would likely again focus on humanitarian issues such as prisoners and the remains of the dead before political questions.
- Black Sea navigation safety. In January 2024, Türkiye, Romania and Bulgaria launched a mine countermeasures task group to improve commercial navigation safety in the western Black Sea.
- Any revived grain arrangement. Russia has linked its return to its own export conditions; Ukraine and the UN argue for unconditional shipping security. Any new deal would again require agreement on inspections, insurance and guarantees against attacks.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- Black Sea Grain Initiative: The July 2022 arrangement to export Ukrainian grain from three ports under joint inspection.
- Joint Coordination Centre (JCC): The Istanbul-based body with Turkish, UN, Russian and Ukrainian staff that registered, scheduled and inspected ships.
- Montreux Convention (1936): The treaty regulating passage through the Bosporus and Dardanelles; see The 1936 Montreux Convention Explained.
- Humanitarian diplomacy: Türkiye's practice of combining aid, mediation and access arrangements, also seen in Türkiye and Gaza: Humanitarian Diplomacy, Aid Efforts and Ankara's Position on Palestine.
- Strategic autonomy: Ankara's attempt to remain in NATO while keeping independent relations with Russia, Ukraine and the Global South; see Is Türkiye a Bridge Between Blocs?.
For claims circulating about Türkiye's role in the war, see Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Verified Against Primary Sources.
Perspective Note
Bloc Politics presents Türkiye's official positions and legal arguments alongside the wider international debate, and states clearly where an analysis reflects the Turkish perspective. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official archives and government statements, so that readers can verify them independently.
Frequently asked questions
How did the Black Sea Grain Initiative work in practice?
Ships were registered with the Joint Coordination Centre in Istanbul, which agreed routes and schedules. Vessels sailed from Odesa, Chornomorsk and Pivdennyi along a corridor guided by Ukrainian pilots, and JCC teams inspected them near Istanbul. Russia and Ukraine committed not to attack ships and ports taking part.
How much grain did the initiative export?
UN reporting put the total at roughly 32.9 million tons from about 1,000 voyages, while Turkish sources cite more than 33 million tons. The difference reflects rounding and counting methods, not a dispute over the basic scale. Maize and wheat made up most of the volume.
What role did Türkiye play in the Black Sea Grain Initiative?
Türkiye co-signed the agreements with the UN, hosted the signing and the Joint Coordination Centre, and carried out inspections in its waters. It also maintained channels to both Moscow and Kyiv, and its contacts helped bring Russia back after a brief suspension in November 2022.
Why did the Black Sea Grain Initiative end?
Russia declined to extend it on 17 July 2023, saying that the parallel commitments on its own food and fertilizer exports had not been implemented. The UN and Ukraine said the grain corridor should have continued regardless and regretted the exit. Turkish officials urged its revival, and no replacement deal has been agreed.
Did Türkiye also mediate prisoner exchanges between Russia and Ukraine?
Yes. Türkiye has facilitated humanitarian contacts, including a September 2022 arrangement involving Azovstal commanders and the 2025 Istanbul talks, which led to agreed prisoner and body exchanges, including a 1,000-for-1,000 swap. These rounds did not deliver a ceasefire or a political settlement.
Did Türkiye impose sanctions on Russia or close the Straits to Russian ships?
Türkiye did not join Western sanctions on Russia. It applied Article 19 of the Montreux Convention, which restricts belligerent warships from transiting the Straits, to all parties, with exceptions for vessels returning to their home bases. Merchant shipping continued to pass under the convention's freedom-of-transit rules.
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